http://ping.fm/ON7VI
25 February 2010
Londonderry is to compete against three other cities for the UK City Of Culture crown
Celebrations were in full swing last night as it emerged Derry City has been shortlisted for the UK City of Culture 2013.
The Maiden City was one of only four cities to make it through from an initial list of 14 which had submitted bids.
Londonderry will now go head-to-head with Birmingham, Norwich and Sheffield for the title of the first UK City of Culture, with the winner due to be announced in July.
Branded the “fantastic four” by judges, the final line-up was revealed by the UK’s Culture Minister Margaret Hodge yesterday at lunchtime. Speaking to the Belfast Telegraph last night, Ms Hodge said she was thrilled for Northern Ireland’s second city.
“I am delighted Derry/Londonderry got through because in 2013 this is going to be the first time we have a UK City of Culture and it is also the 400th anniversary of the Plantation of Ulster and the links between the city and London.
“It is a chance to bring people together with the diaspora as well, and what they showed was the importance for local people that their city is put firmly on the national and international map.”
Ms Hodge added: “I sincerely hope this will provide a real boost to the international image of Derry/Londonderry and a boost to tourism and confidence as well.
“The city already has a host of great annual festivals and this will help to expand those.”
Welcoming the city's success yesterday, mayor of Derry Paul Fleming said: “This is a great statement of confidence in the city's cultural wealth and an endorsement of the commitment and effort so far.
“We look forward to building partnerships to progress through to the final stage.”
Aideen McGinley, chief executive of Derry’s Urban Regeneration Company, Ilex, vowed: “We're in this to win.”
She said: “The energy and commitment galvanised by the bid process to date will now re-double in the final push to bring |together in a compelling way our cultural champions, venues, organisations and artists to showcase the unique talents of the city and region.”
Derry town clerk and chief executive Valerie Watts added: “This is a unique opportunity to create a lasting legacy for the city and for Northern Ireland”.
Phil Redmond, chair of the Independent Advisory Panel which made the selection, said: “In deciding on the four cities recommended — Derry/Londonderry, Birmingham, Norwich, and Sheffield — the panel was influenced by the expected step change each city was asked to envisage, if they gained the title and subsequent media spotlight.
“It was a hard choice but also heartening that all bidders had recognised the power of culture to bring people together; to work collectively within existing resources for a common goal and bring into being networks that may not have existed before.”
The other members of the judging panel included TV presenter Lauren Laverne; former BBC Northern Ireland controller Anna Carragher; Margaret Evans, former director of Culture in the Welsh Assembly; Derek Anderson, chief executive of Lambeth Council, and Robert Palmer, chair of Visiting Arts in London.
Derry will now submit its final bid by the end of May, followed by presentations by local civic and cultural leaders. People can get behind the bid by registering on www.cityofculture2013.com or follow progress on Facebook.
Read more: http://ping.fm/Lj8kN#ixzz0gaDSAriu
25 February 2010
17 February 2010
A shared future (Derry Journal)
EDITORIAL
5 February 2010
Sectarianism is, without doubt, the biggest single obstacle to progress and the creation of a democratic and prosperous society in Northern Ireland.
Whether in the form of rioting in North Belfast or cowardly attacks on people and property in Derry, sectarianism is a legacy of bitterness and division.
People must recognise that the failure to confront sectarianism has led directly to the present unprecedented levels of bigotry, hatred and intolerance which dominate so much of our lives and threaten all our futures.
The suffering and human misery which it has extracted and continues to extract from our people cannot be underestimated.
The scale of the problem of sectarianism is not fully appreciated. Take, for example, the housing situation. Thirty years ago there were significant mixed residential areas. Now the trend is towards single religious areas.
Numerous studies carried out by academics point to the predominance of sectarian attitudes and stereotypes throughout society.
But more worrying still has been the strength of sectarian attitudes and prejudice among young people, even four to five-year-old children as some studies have shown.
Unless urgent steps are taken to resolve the present malaise, the cancer of sectarianism will continue to eat away at society.
At the very heart of this is the question: what sort of society do we want to be?
We have a stark choice: a society divided permanently with a continuing legacy of hatred and bitterness or a society united as a common people with shared beliefs.
The only choice we have is the latter and to achieve this will require a fundamental change. However, the question is: do we have the will to do so?
5 February 2010
Sectarianism is, without doubt, the biggest single obstacle to progress and the creation of a democratic and prosperous society in Northern Ireland.
Whether in the form of rioting in North Belfast or cowardly attacks on people and property in Derry, sectarianism is a legacy of bitterness and division.
People must recognise that the failure to confront sectarianism has led directly to the present unprecedented levels of bigotry, hatred and intolerance which dominate so much of our lives and threaten all our futures.
The suffering and human misery which it has extracted and continues to extract from our people cannot be underestimated.
The scale of the problem of sectarianism is not fully appreciated. Take, for example, the housing situation. Thirty years ago there were significant mixed residential areas. Now the trend is towards single religious areas.
Numerous studies carried out by academics point to the predominance of sectarian attitudes and stereotypes throughout society.
But more worrying still has been the strength of sectarian attitudes and prejudice among young people, even four to five-year-old children as some studies have shown.
Unless urgent steps are taken to resolve the present malaise, the cancer of sectarianism will continue to eat away at society.
At the very heart of this is the question: what sort of society do we want to be?
We have a stark choice: a society divided permanently with a continuing legacy of hatred and bitterness or a society united as a common people with shared beliefs.
The only choice we have is the latter and to achieve this will require a fundamental change. However, the question is: do we have the will to do so?
12 February 2010
Cypriots' Voice calls for political readiness (Cypriots' Voice)
12 February 2010
The Cypriots' Voice, having convened on 12 February 2010 and having considered the present phase of the negotiating process, welcome the significant progress that has been announced by the UN with regards to the outcomes of the intensive talks on the governance issue and calls upon the leaders of the two communities to further intensify their efforts and proceed to a new round of intensive talks. Cyprus needs commitment, vision, and flexibility. We will need even more courage and determination in the period ahead to bring these talks to a successful conclusion.
The Cypriots' Voice, considering that time is running out, feel the need to call upon the two leaders to be ready, during the forthcoming talks, to take the necessary political decisions which will lead to an agreement the soonest possible.
They also appeal to all peace loving people in both communities to make their voice heard that they are for the reunification of our country into a bizonal bicommunal federation within the European Union and they oppose the continuation of the separation of the two communities that is leading to a permanent partition of our country.
Last but not least, they appeal to the Government of Turkey to facilitate solution by openly taking positions on the crucial issues that are still pending in line with UN and EU resolutions, thereby pressing the interlocutors to go ahead and sending the message to the people so that to rally in support of the solution.
8 February 2010
Northern Ireland soldiers for Cyprus UN mission (BBC News)
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/8503047.stm
8 February 2010
More than 270 soldiers from Northern Ireland are to be deployed to Cyprus for six months, as part of the United Nation's peace-keeping effort.
The Territorial Army troops are with 40 (Ulster) Signal Regiment Group, which is based in Belfast.
Using the reservists means that regular forces will be able to concentrate on Afghanistan, the Army said.
They are to maintain security along a 30-kilometre stretch of the Green Line on the divided island.
Cyprus was split in a Turkish invasion in 1974, which was triggered by a brief Greek-inspired coup.
The Greek and Turkish Cypriot sides re-started peace negotiations in September 2008.
Training is under way for the tour, with the deployment beginning at the end of next month at a crucial time in political talks regarding re-unification of the island.
Map
The NI soldiers take up duties on the Green Line buffer zone in the capital, Nicosia, and will be working with regular troops from Argentina as well as Slovak and Hungarian troops who will be manning other sections of the frontier.
The section controlled by the NI soldiers starts at Mammari, west of Nicosia and ends at Kaimakli to the east of the capital.
Lieutenant Colonel Stewart McConnell, Commanding Officer of 40 Signal Regiment Group said: "The reservist soldiers themselves bring a lot to the mission; they are mature, have a wealth of skills and experience and approach things in a slightly different light to their regular counterparts."
This is only the second time in the 100 history of the Territorial Army that an entire unit has deployed on a peacekeeping mission.
However, of the 270 soldiers to be deployed, more than 30% have already undertaken previous operational tours in the Balkans, Iraq, Afghanistan and Cyprus, the Army said.
8 February 2010
More than 270 soldiers from Northern Ireland are to be deployed to Cyprus for six months, as part of the United Nation's peace-keeping effort.
The Territorial Army troops are with 40 (Ulster) Signal Regiment Group, which is based in Belfast.
Using the reservists means that regular forces will be able to concentrate on Afghanistan, the Army said.
They are to maintain security along a 30-kilometre stretch of the Green Line on the divided island.
Cyprus was split in a Turkish invasion in 1974, which was triggered by a brief Greek-inspired coup.
The Greek and Turkish Cypriot sides re-started peace negotiations in September 2008.
Training is under way for the tour, with the deployment beginning at the end of next month at a crucial time in political talks regarding re-unification of the island.
Map
The NI soldiers take up duties on the Green Line buffer zone in the capital, Nicosia, and will be working with regular troops from Argentina as well as Slovak and Hungarian troops who will be manning other sections of the frontier.
The section controlled by the NI soldiers starts at Mammari, west of Nicosia and ends at Kaimakli to the east of the capital.
Lieutenant Colonel Stewart McConnell, Commanding Officer of 40 Signal Regiment Group said: "The reservist soldiers themselves bring a lot to the mission; they are mature, have a wealth of skills and experience and approach things in a slightly different light to their regular counterparts."
This is only the second time in the 100 history of the Territorial Army that an entire unit has deployed on a peacekeeping mission.
However, of the 270 soldiers to be deployed, more than 30% have already undertaken previous operational tours in the Balkans, Iraq, Afghanistan and Cyprus, the Army said.
Feith: 'New Beginning' for Mitrovica (BalkanInsight.com)
http://ping.fm/uNext
Lawrence Marzouk
5 February 2010
The International Civilian Representative in Kosovo, Pieter Feith, has said the appointment of a team to create a new Serb-majority municipality in the divided city of Mitrovica could herald a 'new beginning'.
The comments came as he announced that the 14-strong team Municipal Preparation Team had been appointed and would now prepare all the necessary resources, properties and administrative structures for the creation of the new municipality, before elections are held in the autumn.
He said: "This has the potential to be a new beginning for everyone in the new municipality, with the final aim to make Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North a municipality with a positive, sustainable future, safe and prosperous for the people living there."
Mr Feith heads the International Civilian Office, which is charged with implementing the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement, otherwise known as the Ahtisaari package.
The settlement, which has been opposed by Serbia and its allies, led to Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008.
The package also includes a programme of decentralisation and the creation of new, Serb-majority municipalities - Graçanicë/Gracanica, Kllokot-Vërbovc/Klokot-Vrbovac, Partes/Parteš, Ranillug/Ranilug, and Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North, as well as the expansion of the existing municipality Novobërdë/Novo Brdo.
Just Mitrovicë/Mitrovica and Partes/Parteš were excluded from the November 2009 local elections because of delays in appointing the municipal teams. Serbs turned out in relatively high numbers during the poll to elect mayors and municipal assembly members to their new town halls.
Mr Feith said: “I commend these men and women for joining the team that will set foundation stones for a new, positive future for their community. They will prepare for the establishment of a new municipality that will have serving citizens as its top priority. They will have full support from the International Civilian Office.
“Creating the new municipality of Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North as part of a single system of local government across Kosovo will bring municipal government closer to the community, promote economic development and facilitate solutions to concrete problems and access to greater resources.
“In the new municipality, the citizens will have a real say over where the budget will be spent and how public services will be organized.”
The city of Mitrovica, in north Kosovo, has been divided along ethnic lines since the end of the conflict in 1999, with ethnic Serbs in the north and ethnic Albanians in the south.
The area surrounding Mitrovica and north of the river Ibar, including the municipalities of Zubin Potok, Leposavic and Zvecan, which all border Serbia, remains under the control of Belgrade, which provides for most public services through its own institutions.
Elections to the new municipality, and its creation, are a key plank of the ICO’s controversial plan to bring the north of Kosovo under the control of Pristina. The strategy has been met by fierce opposition from the Serbian government.
The appointed members of the municipal preparation team will be joined by one representative of the Ministry of Local Government Administration, one representative of the ‘mother municipality’ and one representative of the International Civilian Office.
A spokeswoman for the ICO said that the names of the appointees could not yet be released as the paperwork had not been completed.
Lawrence Marzouk
5 February 2010
The International Civilian Representative in Kosovo, Pieter Feith, has said the appointment of a team to create a new Serb-majority municipality in the divided city of Mitrovica could herald a 'new beginning'.
The comments came as he announced that the 14-strong team Municipal Preparation Team had been appointed and would now prepare all the necessary resources, properties and administrative structures for the creation of the new municipality, before elections are held in the autumn.
He said: "This has the potential to be a new beginning for everyone in the new municipality, with the final aim to make Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North a municipality with a positive, sustainable future, safe and prosperous for the people living there."
Mr Feith heads the International Civilian Office, which is charged with implementing the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement, otherwise known as the Ahtisaari package.
The settlement, which has been opposed by Serbia and its allies, led to Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008.
The package also includes a programme of decentralisation and the creation of new, Serb-majority municipalities - Graçanicë/Gracanica, Kllokot-Vërbovc/Klokot-Vrbovac, Partes/Parteš, Ranillug/Ranilug, and Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North, as well as the expansion of the existing municipality Novobërdë/Novo Brdo.
Just Mitrovicë/Mitrovica and Partes/Parteš were excluded from the November 2009 local elections because of delays in appointing the municipal teams. Serbs turned out in relatively high numbers during the poll to elect mayors and municipal assembly members to their new town halls.
Mr Feith said: “I commend these men and women for joining the team that will set foundation stones for a new, positive future for their community. They will prepare for the establishment of a new municipality that will have serving citizens as its top priority. They will have full support from the International Civilian Office.
“Creating the new municipality of Mitrovicë/Mitrovica North as part of a single system of local government across Kosovo will bring municipal government closer to the community, promote economic development and facilitate solutions to concrete problems and access to greater resources.
“In the new municipality, the citizens will have a real say over where the budget will be spent and how public services will be organized.”
The city of Mitrovica, in north Kosovo, has been divided along ethnic lines since the end of the conflict in 1999, with ethnic Serbs in the north and ethnic Albanians in the south.
The area surrounding Mitrovica and north of the river Ibar, including the municipalities of Zubin Potok, Leposavic and Zvecan, which all border Serbia, remains under the control of Belgrade, which provides for most public services through its own institutions.
Elections to the new municipality, and its creation, are a key plank of the ICO’s controversial plan to bring the north of Kosovo under the control of Pristina. The strategy has been met by fierce opposition from the Serbian government.
The appointed members of the municipal preparation team will be joined by one representative of the Ministry of Local Government Administration, one representative of the ‘mother municipality’ and one representative of the International Civilian Office.
A spokeswoman for the ICO said that the names of the appointees could not yet be released as the paperwork had not been completed.
A Pristina daily on the formation of a Northern Mitrovica municipality (Radio Srbija)
http://ping.fm/iQAsc
7 February 2010
A Pristina daily in Albanian, Koha Ditore, writes that Pristina institutions believe they will manage to form a Northern Mitrovica municipality, while Belgrade is announcing measures to prevent this process. The state secretary in the Serbian Ministry for Kosmet, Oliver Ivanović, said that the team, appointed by the head of the international civilian office, Peter Feith, to form that municipality, will not be successful, as Serbs in northern Kosmet recognize only the UNMIK’s authority. The Serbian government announces elections in Mitrovica for April, he is quoted as saying. Kosovo institutions are also preparing for elections, the date of which has not been set yet.
7 February 2010
A Pristina daily in Albanian, Koha Ditore, writes that Pristina institutions believe they will manage to form a Northern Mitrovica municipality, while Belgrade is announcing measures to prevent this process. The state secretary in the Serbian Ministry for Kosmet, Oliver Ivanović, said that the team, appointed by the head of the international civilian office, Peter Feith, to form that municipality, will not be successful, as Serbs in northern Kosmet recognize only the UNMIK’s authority. The Serbian government announces elections in Mitrovica for April, he is quoted as saying. Kosovo institutions are also preparing for elections, the date of which has not been set yet.
Arabs and Turkmen angry over joint force (niqash)
http://ping.fm/ksR2M
Yaseen Taha
8 February 2010
The first active cell of a new joint security force was established on 3 February in Kirkuk province. The force, made up of Iraqi police, US and Iraqi soldiers, security forces from the two main Kurdish political parties and the Peshmerga will eventually total 600 troops.
“The troops will start their operations on the 7th of March before the upcoming elections and will be located outside the city around the outskirts of the province,” said Brigadier Jamal Taher, the police commander. “They will stay outside the city and will be called to areas where there are security problems. There will be 6 units, each with 99 armed men, 33 Iraqi police, 33 Iraqi soldiers and 33 Peshmerga, under the command of an American officer, ” he said.
Kurdish leaders praised the new force while Arabs and Turkmen demanded that the force immediately cease its operations.
Muhammad Kamal, from the Kurdish Brotherly list, said,
“The Kurds are optimistic about the formation of joint forces,” continuing to add that forces will “protect voters during the voting process in Kirkuk.”
Kamal who is also one off the leading members of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) said, “The joint force is an element of relief for the Kurdish people proving that security forces are not monopolised by one party, but rather all Kurdish forces have been integrated.”
However, Muhammad Khalil, who represents the Arab Republican Gathering List on the provincial council in Kirkuk was far less positive about the new force, arguing that, “Kurds occupy the majority of security positions in the city and the formation of these forces will negatively impact on Arab citizens and their feelings.”
He promised that his bloc would stand strongly against the new formation and demand an immediate end to their operations.
Turkmen opposition, meanwhile, focused on their exclusion from the joint force. In a statement issued by the Tukmeneli Party, they demanded Turkmen participation, adding, “If this demand is not met, the operations of these forces should be immediately halted.”
Hassan Turan from the Turkmen Front told Niqash that deploying Peshmerga in Kirkuk violated their duties under Article 121 of the Iraqi constitution, which states they are supposed only to guard the Kurdistan Region’s borders. He demanded “strengthening the capacity of the Iraqi army in the province and the formation of an Iraqi force in the name of Kirkuk instead of these joint forces.”
The views were echoed by the National Turkmen Movement which described the formation of the forces as “an indication of the weakness of security forces in Kirkuk.” They continued to warn that this extension of Kurdish influence indicated that “Kirkuk will be handed over to the Kurds on a golden plate.”
The units were formed through discussions between the Commander of US Forces in Iraq, General Odierno, Masoud al-Barazani, the Kurdistan Region’s president, and Iraqi Prime Minister, Nouri al-Maliki. According to the agreement, troops will be deployed in all areas where dispute exists between the central government and Kurdistan Region’s government. In Mosul, another disputed area, the provincial council denounced the proposed deployment of forces there as illegitimate and unconstitutional.
The commander of US troops in Kirkuk, Col. Larry Swift, stressed that the joint troops are responsible for security and stability and are not formed to stand against any of Kirkuk’s groups, adding that, as soldiers, they follow the orders of politicians. Sarhad Qader, the commander of police forces in Kirkuk province echoed this view, emphasising:
“These troops were formed with the approval of the central government in Baghdad, thus they are legal, and their constitutionality is not open to question.”
The controversy over the deployment of joint forces in Kirkuk is raised because Kirkuk province is one of the most important among the areas disputed by the central government and the Kurdish region. Kurds demand control of the province while Arabs and Turkmen oppose the idea, preferring control to remain with the central government.
Yaseen Taha
8 February 2010
The first active cell of a new joint security force was established on 3 February in Kirkuk province. The force, made up of Iraqi police, US and Iraqi soldiers, security forces from the two main Kurdish political parties and the Peshmerga will eventually total 600 troops.
“The troops will start their operations on the 7th of March before the upcoming elections and will be located outside the city around the outskirts of the province,” said Brigadier Jamal Taher, the police commander. “They will stay outside the city and will be called to areas where there are security problems. There will be 6 units, each with 99 armed men, 33 Iraqi police, 33 Iraqi soldiers and 33 Peshmerga, under the command of an American officer, ” he said.
Kurdish leaders praised the new force while Arabs and Turkmen demanded that the force immediately cease its operations.
Muhammad Kamal, from the Kurdish Brotherly list, said,
“The Kurds are optimistic about the formation of joint forces,” continuing to add that forces will “protect voters during the voting process in Kirkuk.”
Kamal who is also one off the leading members of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) said, “The joint force is an element of relief for the Kurdish people proving that security forces are not monopolised by one party, but rather all Kurdish forces have been integrated.”
However, Muhammad Khalil, who represents the Arab Republican Gathering List on the provincial council in Kirkuk was far less positive about the new force, arguing that, “Kurds occupy the majority of security positions in the city and the formation of these forces will negatively impact on Arab citizens and their feelings.”
He promised that his bloc would stand strongly against the new formation and demand an immediate end to their operations.
Turkmen opposition, meanwhile, focused on their exclusion from the joint force. In a statement issued by the Tukmeneli Party, they demanded Turkmen participation, adding, “If this demand is not met, the operations of these forces should be immediately halted.”
Hassan Turan from the Turkmen Front told Niqash that deploying Peshmerga in Kirkuk violated their duties under Article 121 of the Iraqi constitution, which states they are supposed only to guard the Kurdistan Region’s borders. He demanded “strengthening the capacity of the Iraqi army in the province and the formation of an Iraqi force in the name of Kirkuk instead of these joint forces.”
The views were echoed by the National Turkmen Movement which described the formation of the forces as “an indication of the weakness of security forces in Kirkuk.” They continued to warn that this extension of Kurdish influence indicated that “Kirkuk will be handed over to the Kurds on a golden plate.”
The units were formed through discussions between the Commander of US Forces in Iraq, General Odierno, Masoud al-Barazani, the Kurdistan Region’s president, and Iraqi Prime Minister, Nouri al-Maliki. According to the agreement, troops will be deployed in all areas where dispute exists between the central government and Kurdistan Region’s government. In Mosul, another disputed area, the provincial council denounced the proposed deployment of forces there as illegitimate and unconstitutional.
The commander of US troops in Kirkuk, Col. Larry Swift, stressed that the joint troops are responsible for security and stability and are not formed to stand against any of Kirkuk’s groups, adding that, as soldiers, they follow the orders of politicians. Sarhad Qader, the commander of police forces in Kirkuk province echoed this view, emphasising:
“These troops were formed with the approval of the central government in Baghdad, thus they are legal, and their constitutionality is not open to question.”
The controversy over the deployment of joint forces in Kirkuk is raised because Kirkuk province is one of the most important among the areas disputed by the central government and the Kurdish region. Kurds demand control of the province while Arabs and Turkmen oppose the idea, preferring control to remain with the central government.
Misguided element (Derry Journal)
http://ping.fm/Ta2Pw
EDITORIAL
2 February 2010
IT'S INCREASINGLY obvious that there is a small, yet, at the same time, misguided element in Derry that is determined to stoke up sectarian tensions at the Abercorn Road/Fountain interface in Derry.
Sporadic clashes and regular incidents of vandalism at the flashpoint on the edge of the city centre are a particularly depressing feature of modern day life in Derry.
It is important that responsible figures on both sides of the community do everything in their power to reduce the tensions that all too often come to the surface.
Regardless of who's responsible for starting the trouble - and it is clear that there are malign influences on both sides - clashes of this nature cannot be tolerated.
While such incidents are relatively rare in Derry, they still cause untold damage to the image of the city.
A particularly saddening aspect of the clashes is that schoolchildren are often involved.
Just as political and community leaders have a role to play in reducing community tensions, parents also have a key responsibility - particularly if their children are returning home smelling of petrol fumes or covered in paint.
Of equal importance is that those ordinary members of the public unfortunately caught in the middle of these pitched battles have the right to expect appropriate levels of protection.
EDITORIAL
2 February 2010
IT'S INCREASINGLY obvious that there is a small, yet, at the same time, misguided element in Derry that is determined to stoke up sectarian tensions at the Abercorn Road/Fountain interface in Derry.
Sporadic clashes and regular incidents of vandalism at the flashpoint on the edge of the city centre are a particularly depressing feature of modern day life in Derry.
It is important that responsible figures on both sides of the community do everything in their power to reduce the tensions that all too often come to the surface.
Regardless of who's responsible for starting the trouble - and it is clear that there are malign influences on both sides - clashes of this nature cannot be tolerated.
While such incidents are relatively rare in Derry, they still cause untold damage to the image of the city.
A particularly saddening aspect of the clashes is that schoolchildren are often involved.
Just as political and community leaders have a role to play in reducing community tensions, parents also have a key responsibility - particularly if their children are returning home smelling of petrol fumes or covered in paint.
Of equal importance is that those ordinary members of the public unfortunately caught in the middle of these pitched battles have the right to expect appropriate levels of protection.
2 February 2010
U.N.'s Ban says Cyprus leaders must do more for deal (Reuters)
http://ping.fm/N9cRp
Michele Kambas
1 February 2010
NICOSIA (Reuters) - United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon said on Monday leaders of divided Cyprus must make more effort if a peace deal is to be successfully concluded and that both had pledged to work on a deal as soon as possible.
The United Nations has been trying inconclusively for years to end decades of conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots which has impeded Turkey's ambition to join the European Union, where Greek Cypriots represent Cyprus in the bloc.
"We will need even more courage and determination in the period ahead to bring these talks to a successful conclusion," Ban told a news conference at a U.N. compound in Nicosia, the island's capital.
Flanked by Greek Cypriot leader Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat, Ban said, "I'm encouraged that the two leaders personally assured me of their shared commitment for a comprehensive solution as early as possible."
Talat and Christofias started a new round of peace talks in September 2008. Cyprus was split in a Turkish invasion in 1974 triggered by a brief Greek-inspired coup.
Diplomats are concerned chances of a deal could recede if Talat, viewed as a moderate, loses a leadership election in northern Cyprus -- a breakaway state recognized only by Ankara -- in April. A hard-liner is leading most opinion polls.
Underscoring political sensitivities on the island, Greek Cypriots were riled when Ban visited Talat at his presidential office in northern Cyprus. Greek Cypriots do not recognize the breakaway enclave and are sensitive to any move by foreign dignitaries which could be seen as tacit recognition.
Four Greek Cypriot political parties said they would not attend a reception given by Ban on Monday evening.
Ban, who took no questions during a brief news conference, said he was convinced the leaders could achieve a solution.
"No one is under the illusion any of this is easy. Peace negotiations never are. But the time is ripe to push ahead," he said.
The United Nations acts as a facilitator in talks, and last week announced "significant progress" on some aspects of how the two sides could govern the island together in a future two-zone federation.
Clinching some agreement on governance is key for the sides to proceed into other, thornier issues they need to resolve. In any settlement, leaders will have to juggle demands of thousands of people uprooted in past conflict, as well as resolve territorial disputes and the future of some 30,000 Turkish troops stationed in northern Cyprus.
(Additional reporting by Simon Bahceli and Sarah Ktisti; Editing by Louise Ireland)
Michele Kambas
1 February 2010
NICOSIA (Reuters) - United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon said on Monday leaders of divided Cyprus must make more effort if a peace deal is to be successfully concluded and that both had pledged to work on a deal as soon as possible.
The United Nations has been trying inconclusively for years to end decades of conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots which has impeded Turkey's ambition to join the European Union, where Greek Cypriots represent Cyprus in the bloc.
"We will need even more courage and determination in the period ahead to bring these talks to a successful conclusion," Ban told a news conference at a U.N. compound in Nicosia, the island's capital.
Flanked by Greek Cypriot leader Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat, Ban said, "I'm encouraged that the two leaders personally assured me of their shared commitment for a comprehensive solution as early as possible."
Talat and Christofias started a new round of peace talks in September 2008. Cyprus was split in a Turkish invasion in 1974 triggered by a brief Greek-inspired coup.
Diplomats are concerned chances of a deal could recede if Talat, viewed as a moderate, loses a leadership election in northern Cyprus -- a breakaway state recognized only by Ankara -- in April. A hard-liner is leading most opinion polls.
Underscoring political sensitivities on the island, Greek Cypriots were riled when Ban visited Talat at his presidential office in northern Cyprus. Greek Cypriots do not recognize the breakaway enclave and are sensitive to any move by foreign dignitaries which could be seen as tacit recognition.
Four Greek Cypriot political parties said they would not attend a reception given by Ban on Monday evening.
Ban, who took no questions during a brief news conference, said he was convinced the leaders could achieve a solution.
"No one is under the illusion any of this is easy. Peace negotiations never are. But the time is ripe to push ahead," he said.
The United Nations acts as a facilitator in talks, and last week announced "significant progress" on some aspects of how the two sides could govern the island together in a future two-zone federation.
Clinching some agreement on governance is key for the sides to proceed into other, thornier issues they need to resolve. In any settlement, leaders will have to juggle demands of thousands of people uprooted in past conflict, as well as resolve territorial disputes and the future of some 30,000 Turkish troops stationed in northern Cyprus.
(Additional reporting by Simon Bahceli and Sarah Ktisti; Editing by Louise Ireland)
Kosovo strategy on north integration anger Serbs (Reuters)
http://ping.fm/LqgWk
Fatos Bytyci
26 January 2010
PRISTINA, Jan 26 (Reuters) - Kosovo is crafting a plan to gain control of the country's Serb-run north, a top official said on Tuesday, in a move that may stoke ethnic tensions in the ethnically divided town of Mitrovica.
With a 90 percent Albanian majority, Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008, but its government does not control the north, inhabited mainly by Serbs who do not recognize Pristina institutions and consider Serbia their home.
Ethnic tensions are especially high in Mitrovica, where a river divides the city into Serb and Albanian halves. Locals rarely cross to the other side, and past tensions have led shootings and bomb attacks.
"We want to have the rule of law there, to hold free elections in three municipalities, to establish the new municipality of Northern Mitrovica and to improve socio-economic conditions," Kosovo's Deputy Prime Minister Hajredin Kuci said.
Kuci was referring to a strategy prepared by his government and the International Civilian Office (ICO), which oversees Kosovo. "We will be careful in our actions because we don't want to implement this strategy with violence but will be careful also to use the legal tools to fight illegal actions."
Belgrade considers Kosovo part of its territory and does not recognize the independence of its former breakaway province.
"We see this as a deliberate provocation and we will try everything not to provoke the other side," said Oliver Ivanovic, State Secretary with the Serbia's Ministry for Kosovo who lives in Mitrovica. "No one should pay too much attention to this document which is just another still-born strategy."
Pristina has never controlled this area of northern Kosovo since 1999, when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of Albanians in a two-year counter-insurgency war.
About 120,000 Serbs -- more than 5 percent of the two million population -- live in Kosovo. More than 50,000 live in northern Kosovo which is linked to Serbia by road and railway.
Schools, hospitals and other public institutions are funded by Belgrade, which also issues residents' official documents.
Other Serbs live in enclaves within ethnic Albanian territory. In November, they participated in Kosovo local elections where they established their municipalities according to Kosovo's constitution. Now Pristina wants to create similiar conditions in the north.
A Western official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that if Kosovo Serbs boycotted the elections or refused to cooperate with the plan, the strategy would have to be reconsidered. It would not be implemented by force, he said.
Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are strained. On Tuesday, Kosovo police stopped a Serb deputy minister who had not sought permission beforehand to visit the region, following a similiar incident earlier this month.
About 10,000 NATO troops and 2,000 police, judges and prosecutors from the European Union remain in Kosovo to oversee the Balkan country's fragile peace. (Additional reporting by Aleksandar Vasovic in Belgrade; and Branislav Krstic in Mitrovica; editing by Adam Tanner and Paul Taylor)
Fatos Bytyci
26 January 2010
PRISTINA, Jan 26 (Reuters) - Kosovo is crafting a plan to gain control of the country's Serb-run north, a top official said on Tuesday, in a move that may stoke ethnic tensions in the ethnically divided town of Mitrovica.
With a 90 percent Albanian majority, Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008, but its government does not control the north, inhabited mainly by Serbs who do not recognize Pristina institutions and consider Serbia their home.
Ethnic tensions are especially high in Mitrovica, where a river divides the city into Serb and Albanian halves. Locals rarely cross to the other side, and past tensions have led shootings and bomb attacks.
"We want to have the rule of law there, to hold free elections in three municipalities, to establish the new municipality of Northern Mitrovica and to improve socio-economic conditions," Kosovo's Deputy Prime Minister Hajredin Kuci said.
Kuci was referring to a strategy prepared by his government and the International Civilian Office (ICO), which oversees Kosovo. "We will be careful in our actions because we don't want to implement this strategy with violence but will be careful also to use the legal tools to fight illegal actions."
Belgrade considers Kosovo part of its territory and does not recognize the independence of its former breakaway province.
"We see this as a deliberate provocation and we will try everything not to provoke the other side," said Oliver Ivanovic, State Secretary with the Serbia's Ministry for Kosovo who lives in Mitrovica. "No one should pay too much attention to this document which is just another still-born strategy."
Pristina has never controlled this area of northern Kosovo since 1999, when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of Albanians in a two-year counter-insurgency war.
About 120,000 Serbs -- more than 5 percent of the two million population -- live in Kosovo. More than 50,000 live in northern Kosovo which is linked to Serbia by road and railway.
Schools, hospitals and other public institutions are funded by Belgrade, which also issues residents' official documents.
Other Serbs live in enclaves within ethnic Albanian territory. In November, they participated in Kosovo local elections where they established their municipalities according to Kosovo's constitution. Now Pristina wants to create similiar conditions in the north.
A Western official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that if Kosovo Serbs boycotted the elections or refused to cooperate with the plan, the strategy would have to be reconsidered. It would not be implemented by force, he said.
Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are strained. On Tuesday, Kosovo police stopped a Serb deputy minister who had not sought permission beforehand to visit the region, following a similiar incident earlier this month.
About 10,000 NATO troops and 2,000 police, judges and prosecutors from the European Union remain in Kosovo to oversee the Balkan country's fragile peace. (Additional reporting by Aleksandar Vasovic in Belgrade; and Branislav Krstic in Mitrovica; editing by Adam Tanner and Paul Taylor)
Justice minister says Kosovo's court system requires Serb co-operation (SETimes)
http://ping.fm/8lX43
Linda Karadaku
28 January 2010
In an exclusive interview with SETimes, Kosovo Justice Minister Nekibe Kelmendi details problems faced by the fledgling country's beleaguered court system.
Nekibe Kelmendi, the first woman attorney in Kosovo since 1974, became the country's first female justice minister in 2008. She is also a survivor of terrible tragedy. Both of Kelmendi's sons and her husband were killed by Serbian gunmen at the beginning of the Kosovo conflict.
She expressed frustration that a series of laws intended to move Kosovo's justice system into line with international standards have languished for nearly a year. With the declaration of Kosovo independence in Februrary 2008, the process of integrating courts in Serb-majority areas -- such as Mitrovica in the north -- has fallen apart.
SETimes: The Kosovo judicial system has been criticised as one of the country's biggest problems. How are you trying to improve it?
Nekibe Kelmendi: Urgent steps should be undertaken to return [a better] image to the Kosovo courts. In order to improve the situation, the four draft laws handed over to the government for approval in March 2009 should be approved. They have been drafted based on the constitution and they are in harmony with the international standards. Court reform in Kosovo starts with them. The laws handed over to the government for approval in March 2009 are the Law for the Courts, the Law for the Justice Council, the Law for the State Prosecutor's Office and the Law for the Prosecutor's Office Council.
SETimes: Mitrovica Court in the north is not yet functional and no Albanian or Serb judges and prosecutors have returned. re there any talks to get the court operating?
Kelmendi: The justice bodies in Mitrovica started their work on both levels since 2000 and they functioned uninterrupted up to the day Kosovo declared independence. They implemented the same laws as the rest of the courts in Kosovo and they were multi-ethnic. Judges, prosecutors and administrative staff of the Serb community worked there as well.
After the proclamation of Kosovo independence, some Serb extremists and criminals occupied the buildings of justice in Mitrovica, demolished them and took away many important files, creating a dangerous situation. Since then, those justice bodies have not functioned, despite the fact that the international representatives had promised that their closure would last a short time.
No one can negotiate with Belgrade on the conditions to which Serb judges and prosecutors would return to the court in Mitrovica. They left on their own decision, imposed from officials in Belgrade [with] no pressure or threat whatsoever from the institutions or the people of Kosovo.
SETimes: We have seen most of the sensitive cases taken by EULEX judges and prosecutors. Are Kosovo judges and prosecutors able to handle such cases?
Kelmendi: International judges and prosecutors have been included in the courts and prosecutor's offices of Kosovo with the deployment of UNMIK. The legal basis for this inclusion was made possible from the Kosovo parliament. According to [the] law, EULEX judges and prosecutors have priority in selecting the cases to judge in penal cases as well as civil cases, especially in property contests. EULEX judges have priority in selecting the cases [and] local judges are also included on the panels. EULEX judges and prosecutors have concentrated in taking cases related to war crimes ... economic crimes, organised crime and other serious crimes.
SETimes: Are issues such as lack of a proper budget, non-competitive salaries for the judges and prosecutors, political interference, threats or intimidation threatening Kosovo's judicial system?
Kelmendi: All of the [factors] in your question [are valid] except for political intervention, of which I have no knowledge. Lack of personal physical security of the judges has to be added, as well as the cases [of intimidation] from individuals and corruption. A problem and a great challenge is the delay in starting court reform. This is a consequence of the non-approval [by] the government of the package of laws which would open the way for court reform and the [problem] of the courts in Mitrovica. All these problems have an impact on the image of the court system in Kosovo and the progress of Kosovo in the field of the rule of law.
SETimes: At what level are the minorities, especially the Serb minority, represented in the Kosovo justice system? What are the main challenges for them?
Kelmendi: All the minority communities are included in the courts system in Kosovo. For now, it remains a fact of discontent that the Serb community is not [better represented] in the court system in Kosovo. This is not due to the lack of readiness from the Kosovo institutions, but due to lack of their readiness and lack of determination to cut off the political influences of Belgrade.
The judges and the prosecutors of the Serb community have no reason not to fully [participate] in the Kosovo court system. They [are protected] by the constitution and there is a readiness [to welcome them by] Kosovo institutions and their Albanian colleagues.
This content was commissioned for SETimes.com
Linda Karadaku
28 January 2010
In an exclusive interview with SETimes, Kosovo Justice Minister Nekibe Kelmendi details problems faced by the fledgling country's beleaguered court system.
Nekibe Kelmendi, the first woman attorney in Kosovo since 1974, became the country's first female justice minister in 2008. She is also a survivor of terrible tragedy. Both of Kelmendi's sons and her husband were killed by Serbian gunmen at the beginning of the Kosovo conflict.
She expressed frustration that a series of laws intended to move Kosovo's justice system into line with international standards have languished for nearly a year. With the declaration of Kosovo independence in Februrary 2008, the process of integrating courts in Serb-majority areas -- such as Mitrovica in the north -- has fallen apart.
SETimes: The Kosovo judicial system has been criticised as one of the country's biggest problems. How are you trying to improve it?
Nekibe Kelmendi: Urgent steps should be undertaken to return [a better] image to the Kosovo courts. In order to improve the situation, the four draft laws handed over to the government for approval in March 2009 should be approved. They have been drafted based on the constitution and they are in harmony with the international standards. Court reform in Kosovo starts with them. The laws handed over to the government for approval in March 2009 are the Law for the Courts, the Law for the Justice Council, the Law for the State Prosecutor's Office and the Law for the Prosecutor's Office Council.
SETimes: Mitrovica Court in the north is not yet functional and no Albanian or Serb judges and prosecutors have returned. re there any talks to get the court operating?
Kelmendi: The justice bodies in Mitrovica started their work on both levels since 2000 and they functioned uninterrupted up to the day Kosovo declared independence. They implemented the same laws as the rest of the courts in Kosovo and they were multi-ethnic. Judges, prosecutors and administrative staff of the Serb community worked there as well.
After the proclamation of Kosovo independence, some Serb extremists and criminals occupied the buildings of justice in Mitrovica, demolished them and took away many important files, creating a dangerous situation. Since then, those justice bodies have not functioned, despite the fact that the international representatives had promised that their closure would last a short time.
No one can negotiate with Belgrade on the conditions to which Serb judges and prosecutors would return to the court in Mitrovica. They left on their own decision, imposed from officials in Belgrade [with] no pressure or threat whatsoever from the institutions or the people of Kosovo.
SETimes: We have seen most of the sensitive cases taken by EULEX judges and prosecutors. Are Kosovo judges and prosecutors able to handle such cases?
Kelmendi: International judges and prosecutors have been included in the courts and prosecutor's offices of Kosovo with the deployment of UNMIK. The legal basis for this inclusion was made possible from the Kosovo parliament. According to [the] law, EULEX judges and prosecutors have priority in selecting the cases to judge in penal cases as well as civil cases, especially in property contests. EULEX judges have priority in selecting the cases [and] local judges are also included on the panels. EULEX judges and prosecutors have concentrated in taking cases related to war crimes ... economic crimes, organised crime and other serious crimes.
SETimes: Are issues such as lack of a proper budget, non-competitive salaries for the judges and prosecutors, political interference, threats or intimidation threatening Kosovo's judicial system?
Kelmendi: All of the [factors] in your question [are valid] except for political intervention, of which I have no knowledge. Lack of personal physical security of the judges has to be added, as well as the cases [of intimidation] from individuals and corruption. A problem and a great challenge is the delay in starting court reform. This is a consequence of the non-approval [by] the government of the package of laws which would open the way for court reform and the [problem] of the courts in Mitrovica. All these problems have an impact on the image of the court system in Kosovo and the progress of Kosovo in the field of the rule of law.
SETimes: At what level are the minorities, especially the Serb minority, represented in the Kosovo justice system? What are the main challenges for them?
Kelmendi: All the minority communities are included in the courts system in Kosovo. For now, it remains a fact of discontent that the Serb community is not [better represented] in the court system in Kosovo. This is not due to the lack of readiness from the Kosovo institutions, but due to lack of their readiness and lack of determination to cut off the political influences of Belgrade.
The judges and the prosecutors of the Serb community have no reason not to fully [participate] in the Kosovo court system. They [are protected] by the constitution and there is a readiness [to welcome them by] Kosovo institutions and their Albanian colleagues.
This content was commissioned for SETimes.com
Assessing Iraq's Future: President Barzani's interview with Brookings Institute (Kurdish Globe)
http://www.kurdishglobe.net/displayArticle.jsp?id=354C8E8790DD2D27FF990D578D865DC7
31 January 2010
Saban Center for Middle East Policy director Kenneth Pollack interviews Kurdistan Region President Masoud Barzani in Washington, D.C., during the President's recent visit to the United States.
Q: Welcome to the Brookings Institute. I must ask a question on many Americans' minds, because it has been an issue concerning Iraq that has been in the newspapers. We've all read about the recent moves to attempt to ban about 500 Iraqi politicians because of their association with the Baath Party. It is something that got a great deal of ink here in the United States, and I would like you to explain what is going and how concerned we should be about it.
A: I thank you very much for providing me with this opportunity to be at the Brookings Institute with you. I would like to thank the audience here. I believe there has been a little bit exaggeration with this issue. In Article 7 of the Iraqi Constitution, all those who have committed crimes, promoted principles of the Baath Party, and cooperated with terrorists are not to be given the opportunity to participate in the political process in Iraq. In fact, issues have been mixed and people have been mixed together concerning those who are to be covered by this Article and those who do not deserve to be covered by it. Before departing Iraq, I also had a phone conversation with Mr. al-Maliki. Our view is that those who have not committed crimes against the Iraqi people, those who have not participated in the Anfal operations or other operations against innocent Iraqi people, and those who show commitment to the Iraqi Constitution should be given an opportunity to participate in the political process and the upcoming elections. In fact, it does not include only the Sunni Arabs--there are Shiites and Kurds among them.
Q: Mr. President, thank you for that answer. Let me expand on that, as obviously there are other concerns about the elections. It would be very helpful if you could give us a sense of what you are looking for from the election coming up in March. What hopes will they produce, and what do you fear could be the result if things go badly?
A: There is no doubt that the forthcoming election is an important one for the people of Iraqi and of Kurdistan Region in particular. We expect the current Iraqi political map to change. The most important is to attempt to have the largest number of Iraqis to take part in it, and also ensure that it is a fair and transparent election. On another hand, we believe coalitions will be made after the elections. We--in the Kurdistan Region--have decided to enter alliances after the election on the basis of commitment to the Constitution; that will be our criteria for entering alliances. I don't expect any list alone can win enough seats to form a government, but it has to ally with other blocs.
Q: Mr. President, obviously the world has been much concerned about the potential of this election to go badly. What are your nightmare scenarios? What keeps you up at night? What is it about the election you most fear? Is there some sort of scenario out there you are most afraid of?
A: The biggest fear is that the closer we get to the election and during the election, there will be attempts by terrorist groups to carry out their actions. The other thing is that we have asked our friends to help us and support us in the election to ensure there will be no forgery or double-voting, which is a main fear. If we have a transparent election, we will accept and respect whatever the election results are. For that, we depend on reliable, neutral, international observers to be part of that process. Technically and logistically, the United Nations and other friends of the Iraqi people have to help us in that process.
Q: Mr. President, you of all people are well aware that your friends beyond Iraq's borders-- your neighbors--have often had great interest in Iraq's internal affairs. Are you concerned about the possibility that any of the Iraq's neighbors will try to get involved in the elections?
A: Unfortunately, the interference of neighboring countries continues.
Q: Is there a way that the U.S. or other countries can help to push back on that interference in a way that it would be more effective than we have done so far?
A: In fact, Iraqis can put an end to this interference. I don't believe there is much that the U.S. or friends of Iraq can do. The Iraqi political parties and the Iraqi federal government have to move on in order to prevent interferences. We agree to have friendly and neighborly relations based on mutual respect and interest, and that should be the criteria for a good relationship. Iraqis should not create any opportunity for such interferences in the internal affairs of Iraq. The more they have that opportunity, the more it is difficult for the U.S. to be able to play an effective role in preventing such interferences.
Q: Mr. President, if I could pick up another point you raised that I think is very important, it is your expectation--which I think is shared by many other experts--that it is unlikely that one party in the election is going to secure an outright majority. What this suggests to many observers in Iraq is that we may have a long and difficult process of government formation, and I'd like to pick up on this theme of the American role and ask how you think the United States can be helpful in helping the Iraqis to overcome those obstacles, those hurdles.
A: In fact, there is always a role for the United States to play using its weight, its effectiveness, its influence to help the Iraqi people overcome the difficulties and problems that we face. Once again, I would like to reiterate that the Iraqi political forces can help the United States so that the United States will be able to help them succeed in the process. If the political forces in Iraq seek a solution, then I think there would be a role for the United States to play to help them.
Q: Why don't we look now beyond the election, because obviously the election is an important milestone but it's only another step in the path; it is not the end of the path. After the election we are going to need to have some very difficult negotiations regarding the real bedrock future of Iraq, and I think it would be helpful for us, Mr. President, if you laid out very clearly going into these negotiations what you believe the wide answers on the issue of greatest importance to you, Kirkuk, the other disputed internal territories, the hydrocarbon law--where you believe that these issues need to come out as we move forward with these negotiations?
A: Of course, the problems are twofold. One side are the problems that are relevant to Iraq and the federal government in Baghdad, and the other one is relevant to the issues between the KRG and the federal government. In fact, issues related to Iraq as a whole are commitment to the Constitution, participation in power-sharing arrangements, governance system in Iraq, the culture of self-imposition, and the culture of unilateral decision and ruling in the country. The other, related to the relation between KRG and Baghdad, includes Article 140 of the Constitution, which is relevant to Kirkuk and other disputed territories. In fact, Article 140 is not only relevant to Kurdistan Region, Kirkuk, and other disputed areas. There are other areas in Iraq that have been affected by that because of the manipulation of the gerrymandering of the internal boundaries in Iraq as well. But, as far as we are concerned for going down the road to solve the issues of Kirkuk and other disputed territories, until now we do not find any other alternative better than Article 140 of the Constitution, since it is eventually going back to the vote of the people to determine the future. In fact, the most important thing for us is determining the identity of Kirkuk, and we believe that all the historical, geographical, and demographic facts prove that Kirkuk has been part of Kurdistan. Having said that, we have agreed and we have shown flexibility to go back to the vote of the people to determine their own status. The moment this is implemented on the ground, we pledge that we will ready and willing, and we show flexibility to make sure that there will be genuine power sharing in the administration in Kirkuk. The other point, regarding of the issue of oil and gas--according to the Constitution, we agree that oil and gas belong to all the people of Iraq. To that we don't have a problem. The difference is on revenue sharing. Based on a political agreement, we agreed our share to be 17 percent for the Kurdistan Region. We deserve more than that, but this was what was agreed upon until a census can be held. The right thing we think is to allocate the share of the Kurdistan Region in order to go into a separate account relevant to the KRG to be monitored and transparent, but not to be at the control and for us to be at the mercy of Baghdad and then to use it as a political pressure card to influence the region to cut in whenever they like. According to the Constitution, the Peshmarga forces are legal and constitutional forces. We believe that their funding should come from the federal government based on the fact that the Peshmarga are a part of the defense structure and defense system of Iraq. The other issue we have is regarding restructure and rebuilding of the Iraqi army. After 2003, we were hoping for and were working toward rebuilding the new Iraqi army based on a new system with a new culture and education. But right now, if you look out of the total makeup of the Iraqi army, 8% of them are Kurds, 48% are Shiites, and 44% Sunni Arabs. We do not see any justice in that? It has to be adjusted and a true representation of Iraqi society.
Q: Mr. President, thank you very much for your explanations; they were very helpful. I would like to bring you back if I could to Kirkuk. As you are aware, the United Nations has suggested a variety of different compromise solutions, including some that might put Kirkuk in a special status. It is on its own province or a province that has dual representation in between both the KRG and the central government. What is your reaction to these different proposals? Is that something that you might envision as potential solution to the dispute of Kirkuk at some point?
A: The issue of Kirkuk is a very important and sensitive for us, the Kurds, and also for Iraq. This has been one of the main reasons behind the Kurdish movements and struggles with the successive Iraqi governments in the past. We want this problem to be solved and not have it remain as it is. During the time the Constitution was drafted, that was the main provision for us to continue participating in the political process--for a solution to be found for Kirkuk on the basis of Article 140. Even then we have left the final decision for the people of those areas to determine. Therefore, there is no alternative to this article. This is running away from constitutional text that is very clear. We regard other alternatives as unsuitable solutions that won't solve the problem, but complicate it more.
Q: Mr. President, I'd like to turn your attention a little bit farther abroad now. You have--because of a difficult geographic position--a great deal of experiences, as I mentioned earlier, with some of Iraq's neighbors; and with one of Iraq's neighbors we have particularly problematic relations--the United States, that is. And that is Iran. And today the United States once against is confronting Iran and trying to figure what policy we should adapt. I was wondering if you had any wise advice for us on how to think about Iran, and what you think the United States should be thinking in terms of the new policies toward Iran.
A: This is a difficult question. I don't see myself in a position to be able to give advice to the United States because everybody is watching the situation the same way as we do. But certainly Iran is an important country in the area. Iran seeks a great role. Then, that depends on the United States, Europe, and the international community whether they would be willing to give that role to Iran to play. Any violence that happens there normally will have an impact on our situation as well. Therefore, we hope to utilize peaceful means and dialogue to reach a solution rather than using violence and force. We in the Kurdistan Region are not in a position to be a part of this struggle.
Q: Mr. President, I started out with very specific questions; I'd like to end my questions with a much wider one. You've led your people for 30 years; you fought for people for even longer. I think it will be very helpful for us to hear straight from your lips your vision for Iraqi Kurdistan. What is it that you would like to see? What role would you like to see it play within Iraq--within the region? Where would like your people to be in five years--in 10 years?
A: Fortunately, we proudly can say that the security situation in Kurdistan Region is very good. That is attributed to the culture and awareness of our people, who have been cooperating with the region's security apparatus. We are working on building institutions in the region. On tragic sufferings our people have had, from now on we will try for them to live in peace and also to compensate them for some of their sufferings. I can admit and say that we have such started. We are still learning, just as a student in the early stages. We have shortcomings, but we have serious desire. So long as Iraq is governed by this Constitution, we will--based on the decision made by the Kurdistan Parliament--remain and move within the boundaries of Iraq. Also, we will work and cooperate with Baghdad and the political forces to build a federal democratic Iraq. And Kurdistan Region can play the role of bridge between Iraq and Turkey and Europe. Kurdistan also could be a business gate for the country until security and stability is accomplished in the rest of Iraq. It can be a gate to welcome companies and investors through the region into the country. This is our desire, and it is what we work for. But there is also the fact, I have stated and I would to reiterate--God forbid, if Iraq goes back to dictatorship, we will not be able to live under a dictatorial regime.
Questions from floor:
Q: Turkish "Newsweek" magazine: If the PKK refuses to drop its weapon and Turkey continues its military operations, will you consider cooperating with Turkey?
A: Barzani: Right now there is an opening process in Turkey, and these efforts are to find peaceful solutions. Let's focus on that. So, we strongly support this peaceful process we support the Turkish government's ending this problem. But all of us are convinced that wars or military ways or political pressures will never bring any solutions. God forbid if that is chosen. We will not be part of that solution.
Q: Hussein Abdul Hussein, "Al-ra'y" newspaper: Head of opposition, Nawsherwan Mustafa, said he will not join the KDP and PUK list in the upcoming election. Will it affect the Kurdish interest in Baghdad?
A: There is a difference between same stand and same list. In the last election we did not run on one list. Kurdistan Islamic Union had run for the election on a different list. But in Baghdad we had one voice regarding the strategic issues and national interests. Recently, we had a meeting with all political parties in Kurdistan, and we agreed to have one voice regarding the strategic issues and national interests.
Q: "The Nation" magazine: Did you condemn the decision of Saleh Motlaq's disqualification for the upcoming election, or did you support it? Do you see any role by Iran in this case?
A: My answer is that we in Kurdistan don't have the culture of retaliation and revenge. At the same time we don't have sectarian problems in Kurdistan. Just like you, I read in the newspaper that he was disqualified; I have not been consulted regarding this decision. I haven't heard that Motlaq has participated in killing Iraqi people. If he shows a commitment to Iraq's Constitution, I have no objection if he runs in the upcoming elections. Generally speaking, all Iraqi neighbors have an agenda in Iraq. Maybe Iran's agenda is wider. Certainly each of the countries would like to have some to be part of the election process, and some would like to be out of the process.
Q: Brookings Foreign Policy Program: We Americans see Iraq's biggest problem as terrorism. If you could explain two things: number one, where is it coming from? What are the sources of terrorism? Number two, as the United States army withdraws, do you expect it will erase all the developments?
A: The terrorism phenomenon has become very dangerous in the whole world, and day after day it is growing. I believe there are many sources. Certainly it comes from outside Iraq, but to identify it is difficult. If fact the political situation in Iraq must be remedied since it paves the way for Iraq to become stable. Otherwise, it will be difficult to stabilize Iraq through the military; there must be a true national reconciliation. Regarding the withdrawal of the U.S. army, I want to thank the American people and government for their contribution, and we appreciate the sacrifices they made in freeing the Kurdish and Iraqi people. But we have to expect that one day these forces have to come back. The most important question I asked President Obama was, as the U.S. Army withdraws, will American commitment end in Iraq? He responded that "U.S. engagement will remain in Iraq."
Q: Kani Ghulam: There was a constitutional court in Turkey that banned a Kurdish party there. What is your position regarding that decision, and what is your advice for the Kurds in Turkey? Ankara always seeks advice from Brussels and Washington in regards to the Kurdish question. Have they approached you regarding that issue?
A: We didn't view the constitutional court's decision as a right decision because we didn't believe that would serve the peace process that is underway; it was against democracy. And also my advice to our Kurdish brothers in Turkey is to have a good and positive response, and be cooperative with the Turkish government so that we do not lose this opportunity--so that we continue pursuing the peaceful process. We have a continued dialogue with Turkey.
Q: McQuire: In wide and recent efforts by the PUK to reform, particularly since the July regional elections, are there parallel and similar efforts by the KDP to undertake internal reforms?
A: We are heading towards holding the KDP Congress this year. Whatever reform is needed will be conducted there.
The interview is published by Brookings Institute, edited by the Kurdish Globe.
31 January 2010
Saban Center for Middle East Policy director Kenneth Pollack interviews Kurdistan Region President Masoud Barzani in Washington, D.C., during the President's recent visit to the United States.
Q: Welcome to the Brookings Institute. I must ask a question on many Americans' minds, because it has been an issue concerning Iraq that has been in the newspapers. We've all read about the recent moves to attempt to ban about 500 Iraqi politicians because of their association with the Baath Party. It is something that got a great deal of ink here in the United States, and I would like you to explain what is going and how concerned we should be about it.
A: I thank you very much for providing me with this opportunity to be at the Brookings Institute with you. I would like to thank the audience here. I believe there has been a little bit exaggeration with this issue. In Article 7 of the Iraqi Constitution, all those who have committed crimes, promoted principles of the Baath Party, and cooperated with terrorists are not to be given the opportunity to participate in the political process in Iraq. In fact, issues have been mixed and people have been mixed together concerning those who are to be covered by this Article and those who do not deserve to be covered by it. Before departing Iraq, I also had a phone conversation with Mr. al-Maliki. Our view is that those who have not committed crimes against the Iraqi people, those who have not participated in the Anfal operations or other operations against innocent Iraqi people, and those who show commitment to the Iraqi Constitution should be given an opportunity to participate in the political process and the upcoming elections. In fact, it does not include only the Sunni Arabs--there are Shiites and Kurds among them.
Q: Mr. President, thank you for that answer. Let me expand on that, as obviously there are other concerns about the elections. It would be very helpful if you could give us a sense of what you are looking for from the election coming up in March. What hopes will they produce, and what do you fear could be the result if things go badly?
A: There is no doubt that the forthcoming election is an important one for the people of Iraqi and of Kurdistan Region in particular. We expect the current Iraqi political map to change. The most important is to attempt to have the largest number of Iraqis to take part in it, and also ensure that it is a fair and transparent election. On another hand, we believe coalitions will be made after the elections. We--in the Kurdistan Region--have decided to enter alliances after the election on the basis of commitment to the Constitution; that will be our criteria for entering alliances. I don't expect any list alone can win enough seats to form a government, but it has to ally with other blocs.
Q: Mr. President, obviously the world has been much concerned about the potential of this election to go badly. What are your nightmare scenarios? What keeps you up at night? What is it about the election you most fear? Is there some sort of scenario out there you are most afraid of?
A: The biggest fear is that the closer we get to the election and during the election, there will be attempts by terrorist groups to carry out their actions. The other thing is that we have asked our friends to help us and support us in the election to ensure there will be no forgery or double-voting, which is a main fear. If we have a transparent election, we will accept and respect whatever the election results are. For that, we depend on reliable, neutral, international observers to be part of that process. Technically and logistically, the United Nations and other friends of the Iraqi people have to help us in that process.
Q: Mr. President, you of all people are well aware that your friends beyond Iraq's borders-- your neighbors--have often had great interest in Iraq's internal affairs. Are you concerned about the possibility that any of the Iraq's neighbors will try to get involved in the elections?
A: Unfortunately, the interference of neighboring countries continues.
Q: Is there a way that the U.S. or other countries can help to push back on that interference in a way that it would be more effective than we have done so far?
A: In fact, Iraqis can put an end to this interference. I don't believe there is much that the U.S. or friends of Iraq can do. The Iraqi political parties and the Iraqi federal government have to move on in order to prevent interferences. We agree to have friendly and neighborly relations based on mutual respect and interest, and that should be the criteria for a good relationship. Iraqis should not create any opportunity for such interferences in the internal affairs of Iraq. The more they have that opportunity, the more it is difficult for the U.S. to be able to play an effective role in preventing such interferences.
Q: Mr. President, if I could pick up another point you raised that I think is very important, it is your expectation--which I think is shared by many other experts--that it is unlikely that one party in the election is going to secure an outright majority. What this suggests to many observers in Iraq is that we may have a long and difficult process of government formation, and I'd like to pick up on this theme of the American role and ask how you think the United States can be helpful in helping the Iraqis to overcome those obstacles, those hurdles.
A: In fact, there is always a role for the United States to play using its weight, its effectiveness, its influence to help the Iraqi people overcome the difficulties and problems that we face. Once again, I would like to reiterate that the Iraqi political forces can help the United States so that the United States will be able to help them succeed in the process. If the political forces in Iraq seek a solution, then I think there would be a role for the United States to play to help them.
Q: Why don't we look now beyond the election, because obviously the election is an important milestone but it's only another step in the path; it is not the end of the path. After the election we are going to need to have some very difficult negotiations regarding the real bedrock future of Iraq, and I think it would be helpful for us, Mr. President, if you laid out very clearly going into these negotiations what you believe the wide answers on the issue of greatest importance to you, Kirkuk, the other disputed internal territories, the hydrocarbon law--where you believe that these issues need to come out as we move forward with these negotiations?
A: Of course, the problems are twofold. One side are the problems that are relevant to Iraq and the federal government in Baghdad, and the other one is relevant to the issues between the KRG and the federal government. In fact, issues related to Iraq as a whole are commitment to the Constitution, participation in power-sharing arrangements, governance system in Iraq, the culture of self-imposition, and the culture of unilateral decision and ruling in the country. The other, related to the relation between KRG and Baghdad, includes Article 140 of the Constitution, which is relevant to Kirkuk and other disputed territories. In fact, Article 140 is not only relevant to Kurdistan Region, Kirkuk, and other disputed areas. There are other areas in Iraq that have been affected by that because of the manipulation of the gerrymandering of the internal boundaries in Iraq as well. But, as far as we are concerned for going down the road to solve the issues of Kirkuk and other disputed territories, until now we do not find any other alternative better than Article 140 of the Constitution, since it is eventually going back to the vote of the people to determine the future. In fact, the most important thing for us is determining the identity of Kirkuk, and we believe that all the historical, geographical, and demographic facts prove that Kirkuk has been part of Kurdistan. Having said that, we have agreed and we have shown flexibility to go back to the vote of the people to determine their own status. The moment this is implemented on the ground, we pledge that we will ready and willing, and we show flexibility to make sure that there will be genuine power sharing in the administration in Kirkuk. The other point, regarding of the issue of oil and gas--according to the Constitution, we agree that oil and gas belong to all the people of Iraq. To that we don't have a problem. The difference is on revenue sharing. Based on a political agreement, we agreed our share to be 17 percent for the Kurdistan Region. We deserve more than that, but this was what was agreed upon until a census can be held. The right thing we think is to allocate the share of the Kurdistan Region in order to go into a separate account relevant to the KRG to be monitored and transparent, but not to be at the control and for us to be at the mercy of Baghdad and then to use it as a political pressure card to influence the region to cut in whenever they like. According to the Constitution, the Peshmarga forces are legal and constitutional forces. We believe that their funding should come from the federal government based on the fact that the Peshmarga are a part of the defense structure and defense system of Iraq. The other issue we have is regarding restructure and rebuilding of the Iraqi army. After 2003, we were hoping for and were working toward rebuilding the new Iraqi army based on a new system with a new culture and education. But right now, if you look out of the total makeup of the Iraqi army, 8% of them are Kurds, 48% are Shiites, and 44% Sunni Arabs. We do not see any justice in that? It has to be adjusted and a true representation of Iraqi society.
Q: Mr. President, thank you very much for your explanations; they were very helpful. I would like to bring you back if I could to Kirkuk. As you are aware, the United Nations has suggested a variety of different compromise solutions, including some that might put Kirkuk in a special status. It is on its own province or a province that has dual representation in between both the KRG and the central government. What is your reaction to these different proposals? Is that something that you might envision as potential solution to the dispute of Kirkuk at some point?
A: The issue of Kirkuk is a very important and sensitive for us, the Kurds, and also for Iraq. This has been one of the main reasons behind the Kurdish movements and struggles with the successive Iraqi governments in the past. We want this problem to be solved and not have it remain as it is. During the time the Constitution was drafted, that was the main provision for us to continue participating in the political process--for a solution to be found for Kirkuk on the basis of Article 140. Even then we have left the final decision for the people of those areas to determine. Therefore, there is no alternative to this article. This is running away from constitutional text that is very clear. We regard other alternatives as unsuitable solutions that won't solve the problem, but complicate it more.
Q: Mr. President, I'd like to turn your attention a little bit farther abroad now. You have--because of a difficult geographic position--a great deal of experiences, as I mentioned earlier, with some of Iraq's neighbors; and with one of Iraq's neighbors we have particularly problematic relations--the United States, that is. And that is Iran. And today the United States once against is confronting Iran and trying to figure what policy we should adapt. I was wondering if you had any wise advice for us on how to think about Iran, and what you think the United States should be thinking in terms of the new policies toward Iran.
A: This is a difficult question. I don't see myself in a position to be able to give advice to the United States because everybody is watching the situation the same way as we do. But certainly Iran is an important country in the area. Iran seeks a great role. Then, that depends on the United States, Europe, and the international community whether they would be willing to give that role to Iran to play. Any violence that happens there normally will have an impact on our situation as well. Therefore, we hope to utilize peaceful means and dialogue to reach a solution rather than using violence and force. We in the Kurdistan Region are not in a position to be a part of this struggle.
Q: Mr. President, I started out with very specific questions; I'd like to end my questions with a much wider one. You've led your people for 30 years; you fought for people for even longer. I think it will be very helpful for us to hear straight from your lips your vision for Iraqi Kurdistan. What is it that you would like to see? What role would you like to see it play within Iraq--within the region? Where would like your people to be in five years--in 10 years?
A: Fortunately, we proudly can say that the security situation in Kurdistan Region is very good. That is attributed to the culture and awareness of our people, who have been cooperating with the region's security apparatus. We are working on building institutions in the region. On tragic sufferings our people have had, from now on we will try for them to live in peace and also to compensate them for some of their sufferings. I can admit and say that we have such started. We are still learning, just as a student in the early stages. We have shortcomings, but we have serious desire. So long as Iraq is governed by this Constitution, we will--based on the decision made by the Kurdistan Parliament--remain and move within the boundaries of Iraq. Also, we will work and cooperate with Baghdad and the political forces to build a federal democratic Iraq. And Kurdistan Region can play the role of bridge between Iraq and Turkey and Europe. Kurdistan also could be a business gate for the country until security and stability is accomplished in the rest of Iraq. It can be a gate to welcome companies and investors through the region into the country. This is our desire, and it is what we work for. But there is also the fact, I have stated and I would to reiterate--God forbid, if Iraq goes back to dictatorship, we will not be able to live under a dictatorial regime.
Questions from floor:
Q: Turkish "Newsweek" magazine: If the PKK refuses to drop its weapon and Turkey continues its military operations, will you consider cooperating with Turkey?
A: Barzani: Right now there is an opening process in Turkey, and these efforts are to find peaceful solutions. Let's focus on that. So, we strongly support this peaceful process we support the Turkish government's ending this problem. But all of us are convinced that wars or military ways or political pressures will never bring any solutions. God forbid if that is chosen. We will not be part of that solution.
Q: Hussein Abdul Hussein, "Al-ra'y" newspaper: Head of opposition, Nawsherwan Mustafa, said he will not join the KDP and PUK list in the upcoming election. Will it affect the Kurdish interest in Baghdad?
A: There is a difference between same stand and same list. In the last election we did not run on one list. Kurdistan Islamic Union had run for the election on a different list. But in Baghdad we had one voice regarding the strategic issues and national interests. Recently, we had a meeting with all political parties in Kurdistan, and we agreed to have one voice regarding the strategic issues and national interests.
Q: "The Nation" magazine: Did you condemn the decision of Saleh Motlaq's disqualification for the upcoming election, or did you support it? Do you see any role by Iran in this case?
A: My answer is that we in Kurdistan don't have the culture of retaliation and revenge. At the same time we don't have sectarian problems in Kurdistan. Just like you, I read in the newspaper that he was disqualified; I have not been consulted regarding this decision. I haven't heard that Motlaq has participated in killing Iraqi people. If he shows a commitment to Iraq's Constitution, I have no objection if he runs in the upcoming elections. Generally speaking, all Iraqi neighbors have an agenda in Iraq. Maybe Iran's agenda is wider. Certainly each of the countries would like to have some to be part of the election process, and some would like to be out of the process.
Q: Brookings Foreign Policy Program: We Americans see Iraq's biggest problem as terrorism. If you could explain two things: number one, where is it coming from? What are the sources of terrorism? Number two, as the United States army withdraws, do you expect it will erase all the developments?
A: The terrorism phenomenon has become very dangerous in the whole world, and day after day it is growing. I believe there are many sources. Certainly it comes from outside Iraq, but to identify it is difficult. If fact the political situation in Iraq must be remedied since it paves the way for Iraq to become stable. Otherwise, it will be difficult to stabilize Iraq through the military; there must be a true national reconciliation. Regarding the withdrawal of the U.S. army, I want to thank the American people and government for their contribution, and we appreciate the sacrifices they made in freeing the Kurdish and Iraqi people. But we have to expect that one day these forces have to come back. The most important question I asked President Obama was, as the U.S. Army withdraws, will American commitment end in Iraq? He responded that "U.S. engagement will remain in Iraq."
Q: Kani Ghulam: There was a constitutional court in Turkey that banned a Kurdish party there. What is your position regarding that decision, and what is your advice for the Kurds in Turkey? Ankara always seeks advice from Brussels and Washington in regards to the Kurdish question. Have they approached you regarding that issue?
A: We didn't view the constitutional court's decision as a right decision because we didn't believe that would serve the peace process that is underway; it was against democracy. And also my advice to our Kurdish brothers in Turkey is to have a good and positive response, and be cooperative with the Turkish government so that we do not lose this opportunity--so that we continue pursuing the peaceful process. We have a continued dialogue with Turkey.
Q: McQuire: In wide and recent efforts by the PUK to reform, particularly since the July regional elections, are there parallel and similar efforts by the KDP to undertake internal reforms?
A: We are heading towards holding the KDP Congress this year. Whatever reform is needed will be conducted there.
The interview is published by Brookings Institute, edited by the Kurdish Globe.
Arabs, Turkmen want UN, EU election observers in disputed Iraqi city (Deutsche Press-Agentur)
http://ping.fm/pkcLQ
31 January 2010
Kirkuk, Iraq - Arab and Turkmen politicians on Sunday demanded the inclusion of international observers in the disputed Iraqi city of Kirkuk during next month's parliamentary election.
'We demand the active and strong participation of international organizations, particularly the United Nations and the European Union and the Arab League ... especially in (ethnically) mixed areas, to supervise the counting, sorting and transportation of ballots,' local council member Sheikh Barhan al-Mazhar al-Asi told reporters.
He made the call 'to ensure ... fair elections, free from fraud,' he said.
The Electoral Commission on Sunday said 40 candidates from Kirkuk were among the 500 disqualified from the elections nationwide for their connections to the banned former ruling Baath Party.
Kirkuk is located in one of the most ethnically diverse in Iraq. Many Kurds hope to make the city the capital of a future independent state. Arab and Turkmen politicians view the city and its nearby oil fields as integral parts of Iraq.
The issue of voting in the region has proved so contentious that it has been left out of previous polls, and a debate over voting there stalled the passage of Iraq's new electoral law for months.
'We fear bias in the (electoral commission's) work,' Sheikh Hassan Ali al-Jaburi, a member of the Kirkuk Arab Political Council, which also represents Turkmen, told the German Press Agency dpa.
'We call upon the president and the prime minister and parliament to supervise the elections in Kirkuk themselves in order to ensure there is no fraud or manipulation,' he said.
'We also call for international, Arab and Islamic supervision of the election, to ensure that the polls do not favour the strong over the weak in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk,' al-Jaburi said.
Talal Qassab, a leading Turkmen politician from the city, called for particularly close supervision of ethnically mixed areas of Kirkuk and other similar areas of the country, which he called 'particularly sensitive.'
'We expect that political pressure will affect the outcome of the election, so we call for international monitors in these areas,' he said.
Even after most US forces returned to garrisons last June, US soldiers continue to man checkpoints alongside Kurdish and Arab Iraqis along the so-called 'trigger-line' that divides areas under de facto Kurdish and Arab control in the northern regions of Kirkuk, Diyala and Nineveh.
Read more: http://ping.fm/2YWtZ#ixzz0eMxIM0kX
31 January 2010
Kirkuk, Iraq - Arab and Turkmen politicians on Sunday demanded the inclusion of international observers in the disputed Iraqi city of Kirkuk during next month's parliamentary election.
'We demand the active and strong participation of international organizations, particularly the United Nations and the European Union and the Arab League ... especially in (ethnically) mixed areas, to supervise the counting, sorting and transportation of ballots,' local council member Sheikh Barhan al-Mazhar al-Asi told reporters.
He made the call 'to ensure ... fair elections, free from fraud,' he said.
The Electoral Commission on Sunday said 40 candidates from Kirkuk were among the 500 disqualified from the elections nationwide for their connections to the banned former ruling Baath Party.
Kirkuk is located in one of the most ethnically diverse in Iraq. Many Kurds hope to make the city the capital of a future independent state. Arab and Turkmen politicians view the city and its nearby oil fields as integral parts of Iraq.
The issue of voting in the region has proved so contentious that it has been left out of previous polls, and a debate over voting there stalled the passage of Iraq's new electoral law for months.
'We fear bias in the (electoral commission's) work,' Sheikh Hassan Ali al-Jaburi, a member of the Kirkuk Arab Political Council, which also represents Turkmen, told the German Press Agency dpa.
'We call upon the president and the prime minister and parliament to supervise the elections in Kirkuk themselves in order to ensure there is no fraud or manipulation,' he said.
'We also call for international, Arab and Islamic supervision of the election, to ensure that the polls do not favour the strong over the weak in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk,' al-Jaburi said.
Talal Qassab, a leading Turkmen politician from the city, called for particularly close supervision of ethnically mixed areas of Kirkuk and other similar areas of the country, which he called 'particularly sensitive.'
'We expect that political pressure will affect the outcome of the election, so we call for international monitors in these areas,' he said.
Even after most US forces returned to garrisons last June, US soldiers continue to man checkpoints alongside Kurdish and Arab Iraqis along the so-called 'trigger-line' that divides areas under de facto Kurdish and Arab control in the northern regions of Kirkuk, Diyala and Nineveh.
Read more: http://ping.fm/2YWtZ#ixzz0eMxIM0kX
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